One thing that has completely escaped debate so far is
partition. This could very easily occur in two ways.
1) British Sovereign Bases: Her Majesty's Naval Base, Clyde (Faslane) and a sizeable chunk of territory around it might be retained as a British Sovereign Base, just as happened in Cyprus, complete with nuclear subs and Salmond would be powerless to do anything about it.
2) East Ukraine equivalent. The lowlands/borders decide they want to remain part of the UK. Much of this area is still solid tory and may not want to leave.
I do think though that too much panic is resulting from one opinion poll. Mike Smithson's Politicalbetting site is the gold standard on this sort of thing and the following post on the subject is interesting. I reckon it is still 60-40 No, especially bearing mind many have already long voted in postal ballots. Smithson hasn't forgotten that opinion poll that put the liberals in the lead after the tv debates two weeks before the 2010 election.
http://www1.politicalbetting.com/in...itical-earthquake-the-cleggasm-in-april-2010/
The MOD has categorically rejected suggestions that Faslane and Coulport would be an Akrotiri & Dhekelia or a Guantanamo Bay. There will be no dismemberment of Scotland, even if individual areas vote to stay.
I doubt the rUK will really have much of a voice on the issue, given their continued threats to leave the EU entirely, they don't have much power to negotiate with.
The default option for new countries is to have to sign up to open borders and so all that could be done by rUK is to propose a vote allowing an exemption.
As mentioned, it is certainly in the interests of other European countries not to have an exception in the UK and no reason for them to go easy on Scotland so I can't see it passing.
I imagine that if Scotland signed, the rUK would be compelled to sign (and thus probably ROI as well, who are only outside to ease ROI/NI cross-border movement). But far right parties and media are likely to make tremendous capital over this and there could be a strong backlash against Scotland if they are seen as forcing the rUK's hand.
A Yes vote alone is forcing the rUK's hand. Other European countries have an interest in ensuring the matter works as smoothly as possible because the genie is out of the bottle as soon as the chief counting officer reports that there were more Yes than No votes.
A large fence/earth wall with army patrolling it and searchlights/watchtowers will put a stop to that.
You are right that rUK will have little influence over the EU vis Scotland joining (they will have a veto but unlikely they would use it, however, Spain will and they will veto any entry for fear of encouraging basque and catalan separatists. Salmon cant get round the fact that existing EU members have a veto on new states joining.
The fundamental immediate problem for Scotland is that it receives far more from HM treasury than it pays in and this will cease overnight in 2016 if they vote YES at the same time as they face all the extra costs of running a separate state. If I were up there I would be tempted to vote YES for the same reason as I would vote UKIP down here - far better to run your own country, however badly, than have outsiders running it who you cannot depose, but I wouldn't be under any illusion about the hardships that will result in the next 20-30 years.
That border would be spectacularly difficult to build quickly and how would the rUK government justify spending money on it, given that all three parties roughly agree on the need for austerity? Such a border has not existed ever, so it would be rather difficult to implement one worth doing now.
I'm not sure what you're saying about NI ferries - passport checks within one state? However, this just emphasises the sense in maintaining the current travel area.
Yes, if the ROI unilaterally joined Schengen I would be almost certain that the UK Government would start doing identity checks on ferries and flights to Northern Ireland. From a UK Government perspective Northern Ireland is almost irrelevant; it's just an annoying place that tends to have another minor political crisis every few years but it serves little purpose for the goals of the UK.
That may be so but that does not mean that they have to cut the NHS though does it - in fact it very much says so in the link I provided- but again that is not what Salmond and the Yes people are saying though are they.
No, they are saying that Scottish NHS will suffer because of Westminster using private companies. Thats a lie when they have control over NSH Scotland spending.
Of course, they should also check their facts as it is apparent that they themselves have been using private companies for health care, the very thing they say they had eradicated
LINK
It is completely true that the individual spending cuts cannot be dictated by Westminster but the point is that eventually, you're going to need to cut somewhere and there's little else the Scottish Parliament can realistically cut.
The big, big problem at the moment and under any proposed devolution settlement is that the costs of implementing social policies are borne by the Scottish Government but the economic gains from doing so remain down in the UK Treasury. Implementing good social policies may be cheaper for the government in the long term but in this system that benefit is never seen, which is clearly absurd.
To my mind there are two key considerations.
1)Who runs the country. Outsiders who you cannot depose however good they are or pepole you choose and can remove, however bad or good they are.
2) Are the hardships that will be endured over the next 20-30 years by choosing (1) worth it. And there will be severe hardships as they get used to a post barnett treasury plus the extra costs of running your own state and loss of cross subsidies that inevitably come from agglomeration, whatever the nats claim to the contrary.
To my mind the yes camp have had their heads in the sand trying to shout down anyone who points out (2) and are plain naive in thinking that countries like Spain will put Scotlands interests over Spains interest and not veto their entry into the EU, or at least extract a truly formidible price after a long delay such as join the euro and schenegan etc.
Finally, I think the Yes side have underestimated the ruthlessness with which the partition treaty will be negotiated by rUK. The UK government have played this with a very low profile but if there is a yes vote the gloves will be well and truly off. It will not be plasant to watch.
Indeed, if there is a very close YES, there may be a strategy of delaying the split past the next Scottish election as treaty negotiations wont be done in time with the consequences (ie Scotland roundly shafted in the treaty & by the EU) very starkly obvious by the time of the next Scottish election and Scottish Labour campaigning on calling it off in favour of devo max if they win.
Many significant european powers including Spain, France and Italy do not want this genie out of the box for selfish reasons. I speak not as someone intrinsically hostile to the idea but as a realist, sympathetic to the idea of national self determination, who knows that the UK will face similar issues and hardships to get out of the EU and restore our sovereignty.
As I said, genie is out of the bottle during the night of the 18th-19th September. Indeed, the genie probably went out the bottle when David Cameron signed the Edinburgh Agreement. Nothing Spain or France can do would do anything to stop their own separatist movements without destroying the European project of peace and democracy.
Also, if the UK Government is ruthless then we're not taking any of the debt. Even if our initial bond yields were worse than Greece we would be starting from absolutely nothing, so no need for any interest repayments whatsoever.
An ideal reform for the UK, in my opinion, would have the House of Commons broken up to sit as regional assemblies at times, but also sitting together as a whole for ceremonial purposes and to debate national policy. These assemblies would each have the majority of MPs elected from traditional constituencies and a handful of top-up members elected to ensure proportionality in each region.
The House of Lords would be replaced by a Senate (but still being called the House of Lords for ceremonial purposes) with an equal number of Senators elected from each region by proportional representation. The Prime Minister and Cabinet would be elected from within the Senators, and the Senate would have the power to introduce Bills which would then be debated, amended and passed by the House of Commons before returning to the Senate to be passed again.
Part of this is due to referenda actually having legal force in some nations where there is a Constitution. In Australia, for example, any change to the Constitution requires the Act to be fully drafted and passed by the Commonwealth Parliament before going to the people. When, for example, the topic of Western Australian secession comes up again (just like Scottish secession, it rolls around once a generation) if it ever gets taken seriously all the negotiations and plans will be drawn up before the referendum, and the referendum will be the final step in the decision.
In the UK there is no Constitution, just a bunch of conventions among which one of the most prominent of these conventions is Parliamentary Supremacy. If a referendum only has whatever force politicians are willing to give it afterwards (the application of Parliamentary Supremacy with respect to referenda) then it's not really a referendum as such, it's really a non-binding plebiscite that is only one step above an opinion poll.
Non-binding plebiscites are a good thing and do have their place. Going back to the hypothetical example of WA seceding from Australia, if it were ever to be taken seriously it would probably have a plebiscite to establish there was a clear case in favour before the engagement of a formal process leading towards Bills in the WA and Commonwealth Parliaments which would lead to a referendum.
This is probably a good thing for the case of the secession of Scotland if the idealistic fervour of the Yes vote gets up. The non-binding nature of the referendum (i.e. because the lack of a Constitution means anything written by a Parliament can be later repealed, including the Edinburgh Agreement) does leave the capacity for the Scottish leadership to back out (maybe by way of scheduling a second referendum to save face) if the more sober reflection on the implications that will come afterwards provokes the world's biggest case of buyer's remorse.
Parliamentary sovereignty is an English and Welsh concept, not a Scottish one. Parliament is more than capable of approving the permanent, irrevocable loss of its power over an area, as is more than exemplified by the enormous numbers of independent states created by UK Parliament bills.
In all seriousness, what is the chance of a Northern Ireland type scenario, where the hotheads on the losing side (or indeed both sides) decide the only way to get their own way / protect their "rights" is to go down the "Armed Struggle" route?
None. There are no weapons to use in Scotland and no one is interested in such a thing because this referendum is being fought on economics and politics rather than ethnicity or nationality.