(thanks to the Mods for merging threads - we have the same arguments over and over so it's good to keep them contained in one thread - makes things much tidier/ easier)
The current set up makes bidding for franchises in 2018 too complicated for many potential bidders - you need to put up a bond equivalent to the GDP of some countries - you spend over a million pounds putting your bid together - it can take a year to sit down with your lawyers/ accountants etc and agree to all of the terms etc. And that's with dozens of franchises like we currently have.
Imagine how expensive/ complicated/ time consuming it'd be to bid for an entire sector of BR? How few organisations could potentially bid for it? And that would mean bids becoming less competitive and potentially a maximum of one sector per company (if we have arguments today about slight overlaps between TOCs, imagine the overlaps if FirstGroup won both InterCity and Provincial?)
That'd be even worse than the current set-up.
BIG SNIP
You are agreeing with my position, I maintained that the sectors were too big to franchise as a unit. I would add however that the current way the DfT runs the franchising process - and indeed what it aims to get from the franchising process - is very different from the aims and methods of OPRAF at the start of the privatisation era.
The DfT has accrued power to itself as OPRAF morphed into the SRA after which the rump of the SRA was absorbed by the DfT. During this process it has become more and more concerned with the finer details of train services, frequencies, calling points, rolling stock allocation and specified all this and more in the Invitations to Tender. This level of detail essentially defines the cost base and, through its control of regulated fares, it also broadly defines the income of the TOC from year to year. DfT requires subsidies to decrease year-on-year, or premiums to increase, to a target profile based on a Treasury model of the economy for a bid to succeed. By changing the weightings applied to the financial performance or to the 'passenger experience' (aka new trains) it affects train procurement dramatically. The only major variable left to the TOC is for the TOC to encourage more people to use the trains - and this has limits.
Interesting one - I'd say that the opposite would be true (the Unions would have to accept their members getting 1%pa pay rises and lose their open final salary pension schemes in line with other public sector workers - they've done very nicely out of privatisation and being able to play each TOC against each other because they'd rather pay an inflation-busting pay rise than suffer a strike - BR was able to introduce DOO much easier than modern TOCs can), but who knows - depends on the type of nationalisation I guess.
Hmm! I'm not convinced. With only one employer any strikes would be national, rather than limited. Strikes ruin business and reputation. In 1955 ASLEF struck for a couple of weeks because of some perceived slight over pay differentials. Overnight the railways lost all their 'smalls' traffic and it never returned - and people used their new cars and traffic didn't return for another 40 years.
In 1975 the Class 313s - entirely suitable for DOO - were introduced on the GN. In November 1979 BR raised the issue of DOO through the 'Machinery for Negotiation'. Negotiations rumbled on until agreement was reached in October 1986 and it was finally introduced in January 1987 - over
seven years after the issue was first raised.
The introduction of DOO on the BedPan route was delayed by a year to 1983 because of industrial action - and in the meantime the new Class 317s didn't turn a wheel.
It was certainly not easier to introduce DOO on BR then than it is now.
The fact that pay has increased so dramatically for the staff is that BR was a monopsony - a single
purchaser in the same way that a monopoly is a single
supplier. Having a choice of employers does wonders for pay rates...
...and if there
really was a will to improve the pay for nurses and health care workers, the NHS monopsony would be broken. Pay rates have little or nothing to do with the effects of trades unions if there are many employers - but given a monopsony (BR, NHS, local government) they become a necessary counterweight.