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How much did rail really cost historically?

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Anetos

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When I read railway history there's often stories of companies not getting enough money for their expenses and going bankrupt. According to historyhome.co.uk by 1860 rail in England/Wales cost £65,000 a mile (now £6.8mln but in an economy 25 times larger) compared to £13,000 in the US (details on other areas would be appreciated, I have read somewhere on this forum of Victorian Brits complaining about costs compared with the continent), with many projects around the 1840s going multiple times above price estimates with their own planning issues too (there were rich NIMBYs then as now), famously during the Railway Mania of that era spurred on by historically low interest rates many expensive private Acts of Parliaments such as the Great Northern Railway's £400k application contributed to railway expenditures being as high as 70% of gross domestic investment in 1847 (the previous year had 3x as much authorised track as before 1840 with projected costs as high as the national GDP) with share prices doubling before a crash due to the government taking a large loan to pay for the Great Hunger, leading to Hudson bailing a lot of lines out. Wikipedia even speaks of railways not being profitable as early as the 1870s (such as the famous Settle-Carlisle), I imagine due to the Long Depression as well as the 1844 act requiring penny-per-mile third class fares on every train had an impact
 
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eldomtom2

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as well as the 1844 act requiring penny-per-mile third class fares on every train had an impact
The Act did not require penny-per-mile third class on every train, just one per day in both directions stopping at every station and with an average speed not less than 12 mph.
 

The exile

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After the initial success of the early railways (where it must be remembered that in the main the promoters were the main industrial customers - so the "success" wasn't just measured in terms of the railway's operations), many projects suffered from a massive optimism bias, both in terms of ability to keep construction and operating costs low and of the likely level of revenue. Given the fraudulent methods employed by the likes of George Hudson to inflate dividends etc, it's hardly surprising that local people who wanted their railway to be a success were easily gulled into believing it would be. In reality - I suspect that, once the main trunk routes had been established, the only schemes that had any real chance of being a long term success in truly "stand alone " commercial terms were short lines - either those serving a major (probably new) industrial flow or those providing a vital new cut off between two established lines (the railway companies whose portmanteau names were almost as long as the line itself). A few more might have passed a more wide ranging "cost benefit analysis" (ie generating wealth for the area they served, even if they themselves didn't make a profit)
 

Rescars

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Changes in market sentiment and the cost of capital have a significant impact on viability. Projects which look attractive in one economic scenario may look very different in another. There were a fair number of promising schemes which were fatally "derailed" by the banking crisis surrounding the collapse of Overend and Gurney in 1866. AIUI the same crisis led to the insolvency of the London Chatham and Dover (amongst others) as well as the collapse of some of the major railway contractors. Peto and Betts folded throwing 20,000 men out of work.
 

anothertyke

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After the initial success of the early railways (where it must be remembered that in the main the promoters were the main industrial customers - so the "success" wasn't just measured in terms of the railway's operations), many projects suffered from a massive optimism bias, both in terms of ability to keep construction and operating costs low and of the likely level of revenue. Given the fraudulent methods employed by the likes of George Hudson to inflate dividends etc, it's hardly surprising that local people who wanted their railway to be a success were easily gulled into believing it would be. In reality - I suspect that, once the main trunk routes had been established, the only schemes that had any real chance of being a long term success in truly "stand alone " commercial terms were short lines - either those serving a major (probably new) industrial flow or those providing a vital new cut off between two established lines (the railway companies whose portmanteau names were almost as long as the line itself). A few more might have passed a more wide ranging "cost benefit analysis" (ie generating wealth for the area they served, even if they themselves didn't make a profit)

I suppose one acid test of that is--- did the Great Central as a network make money over its life? But that's really a pretty crude measure because of the amount of regulation and price control after the 1921 Act. What is the best economic history of the railways up to 1948?

Optimism bias in the civil engineering and land costs doesn't matter so much if there is a good long payback period and traffic and revenue comes up to snuff.
 

Dr Hoo

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A very useful reference for the first flush of railway construction is Wishart's Railways of Great Britain Ireland. Published in 1842 it was a masterly tome and includes many details, including finances. It has been re-printed and is available second-hand for about £10.

So, for example, the Grand Junction Railway - arguably the first proper main line - ran for 83 miles from Newton(-le Willows) to Birmingham. Original estimate £1,040,000, around £13,300/mile. Actual cost was £23,202/mile. The London & Brighton Railway was estimated at £23,376 3s 9d/mile but came out at £37,568 17s 6d.

Hopefully people will get the idea.
 

The exile

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So, for example, the Grand Junction Railway - arguably the first proper main line - ran for 83 miles from Newton(-le Willows) to Birmingham. Original estimate £1,040,000, around £13,300/mile. Actual cost was £23,202/mile.

That’s about £2M in today’s money.
 

Rescars

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A very useful reference for the first flush of railway construction is Wishart's Railways of Great Britain Ireland. Published in 1842 it was a masterly tome and includes many details, including finances. It has been re-printed and is available second-hand for about £10.

So, for example, the Grand Junction Railway - arguably the first proper main line - ran for 83 miles from Newton(-le Willows) to Birmingham. Original estimate £1,040,000, around £13,300/mile. Actual cost was £23,202/mile. The London & Brighton Railway was estimated at £23,376 3s 9d/mile but came out at £37,568 17s 6d.

Hopefully people will get the idea.
So nothing new about projects exceeding initial estimates then. It's interesting that the Grand Junction cost almost twice as much as originally estimated. An interesting comparison with the HS2 saga!
 

Senex

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A very useful reference for the first flush of railway construction is Wishart's Railways of Great Britain Ireland. Published in 1842 it was a masterly tome and includes many details, including finances. It has been re-printed and is available second-hand for about £10.

So, for example, the Grand Junction Railway - arguably the first proper main line - ran for 83 miles from Newton(-le Willows) to Birmingham. Original estimate £1,040,000, around £13,300/mile. Actual cost was £23,202/mile. The London & Brighton Railway was estimated at £23,376 3s 9d/mile but came out at £37,568 17s 6d.

Hopefully people will get the idea.
If I may correct ... the author is Francis Whishaw, and there's an "and" in the title. There were two editions, 1840 and 1842, and both are available on-line. Also worth reading is his Analysis of Railways, again two editions, 1837 and 1838.
 

Dr Hoo

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If I may correct ... the author is Francis Whishaw, and there's an "and" in the title. There were two editions, 1840 and 1842, and both are available on-line. Also worth reading is his Analysis of Railways, again two editions, 1837 and 1838.
Fair enough. Fat finger syndrome. :)
 
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I suppose one acid test of that is--- did the Great Central as a network make money over its life? But that's really a pretty crude measure because of the amount of regulation and price control after the 1921 Act. What is the best economic history of the railways up to 1948?

I don't know of a book on the economics of the railways themselves (as distinct from their impact on the economy in general) but there are some detailed analyses. One of them found that after the mid-1870s the major railway companies' collective return on capital was less than the cost of capital. And that was the major companies; many of the minor companies must have had far lower returns. Though the fact that the major companies were often pressurised, or felt obliged, to take on loss-making lines in their areas is a complication; it means the major companies were probably incurring costs that they would have avoided if run on a strict profit-maximising basis.

Link to the paper this is drawn from: https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/research/workingpapers/2008/twerp_859c.pdf (The unfortunate filename isn't a comment on one of the authors, it's an abbreviation for "the Warwick Economic Research Papers".)
 

Ken H

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I have a 1977 selective prices manual which i scanned and shared Timetable World.

I tried to compare some 1977 prices with current ones using the bank of england inflation calculater. Some 1977 prices were quite expensive. I was careful to compare similar ticket types.

Sorry if off topic, but a train ticket is a cost to me.
 

Belperpete

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There is a natural inclination for promoters of major projects to take an optimistic view of the construction costs. If you take a pessimistic view, you are unlikely to get your line approved. Worse, someone else promoting a rival scheme based on optimistic costs may succeed. Brunel was notorious for his schemes going way over budget. Modern schemes that rely on government funding, such as HS2, are particularly prone to this, as various government departments will pick through the estimate to strip out all "unnecessary" spending, leaving the project with no wriggle-room.

Early railways generated improved prosperity in the areas that they passed through, thereby increasing the traffic that the railway carried. There was a hope that subsequent schemes would likewise make relatively poor areas more prosperous, and so make the line profitable. Aims which obviously didn't always succeed. This didn't just affect railways - much money was lost on numerous slate quarries in North Wales by promoters hoping to emulate the success of the likes of Llechwedd, Dinorwic and Penrhyn.

There were also some railway lines that were built not for financial reward, but to block other companies from gaining access to areas that a company considered "theirs".

As I understand it, railways in the US were often gifted the land by the government who were keen to open up communications. While railways in the UK had to pay often extortionate costs to titled landowners. And railways in the US were built very cheaply, often as single lines, whereas in the UK the BoT would only accept single lines as a "temporary" measure due to the risk of head-on collisions. If you look at pictures of early US railroads, you will see sleepers that are not square in cross-section but semi-circular (tree trunks simply cut to length and halved lengthwise) without any real ballasting. Railways in the UK had to be built to standards demanded by the BoT and inspected by the HMRI who would refuse permission for the line to open if it wasn't built to acceptable standards. And railways in the UK had to be fenced off, with level crossings wherever a road crossed it, whereas there was no such requirements for lines in the US and elsewhere.

In short, I think that railways in the UK suffered from Britain being in the lead in railway development, and so also in the lead as regards railway regulation, that impacted on the costs.
 

Revaulx

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There were also some railway lines that were built not for financial reward, but to block other companies from gaining access to areas that a company considered "theirs".
This happened as recently as the late 1920s when the normally ultra-prudent Southern built the Wimbledon to Sutton line in a not very successful attempt to thwart UERL.

== Doublepost prevention - post automatically merged: ==

If it did, it’s unlikely to be thanks to anything south of Nottingham!
Lots of coal traffic southwards from Nottingham turned right at Woodford Halse to make its way to Oxford and points south. That traffic must have been profitable for quite a few years.

The poor old GC‘s London Extension was (rightly) pilloried from the start. Yet the GN repeatedly shot itself in the foot with costly but lower profile basket cases: Queensbury lines, Leicester Belgrave Road. Plus the GN/LNW Joint Line was really only of benefit to the latter.

Both GC and GN had come to their senses by the time they agreed to merge with the GE in 1909. Westminster blocked the merger; speculating on how things would have turned out had it gone ahead is a fascinating exercise :D
 
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coppercapped

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Picking up the points made by @Belperpete’s post https://www.railforums.co.uk/threads/how-much-did-rail-really-cost-historically.294914/post-7559392 has nudged me to complete a post I started some days ago but kept putting to one side as ‘life management’ got in the way!

I have a copy of a reprint (published in the UK by David and Charles in 1968) of the 2nd printing of the US edition of Dionysus Lardner’s Railway Economy A Treatise on the New Art of Transport. The book was first published in England in 1850 and in the USA five years later.

Lardner is best known to railway nerds as having crossed I.K. Brunel in the matter of the ultimate speed of trains with no brakes running away in the Box Tunnel, misunderstanding the effect of increasing ships’ dimensions on fuel storage and consumption with regard to the Great Western steamship and not appreciating that Firefly’s excessive fuel consumption at higher speeds was due to a mismatched blast pipe and chimney and not due to the increased wind resistance of broad gauge trains. He wasn’t an engineer but a theoretician and in other areas he was a well regarded scientist and writer, he was a Fellow of the Royal Society and was appointed to the chair of Physics and Astronomy at the newly founded University of London.

The book covers almost every aspect of railways and is written from the point of view of a commentator introducing a subject new to most of his readers — although as it was written immediately after the Railway Mania when practically all of his readers would have heard of railways it somewhat labours the point!

Nevertheless it is fascinating as it covers not only the fundamentals of transport and trade but also management, operation and the influence of railways as seen at the time. He covers railways in the UK, river and canal traffic and the construction of canals and railways in the USA, French, Belgian, German, Italian and Russian railways and the electric telegraph — often in numbing detail. It also includes a chapter of hints and tips for the railway traveller. It is 442 pages long in addition to a 23 page index.

An example of the detail can be seen where he quotes from a report by Captain Huish of the North Western Railway in a report to the Directors in a “Statement showing Quantity and estimated Value of Articles included in amount charged to Capital for “Working Stock” of £1,462,901,—January 1st, 1848.

Engines
Goods​
Passenger​
Total​
Value per engine (£ and shillings)Total (£)
Southern Division
71​
109​
180​
1,499-0269,900
Northern Divison
60​
126​
186​
1,321-0245,766
Manchester and Birmingham
8​
25​
33​
1,400-046,200

The table also includes condemned engines used for pumping and ballasting, locomotives sold, work in progress, Tenders and Tools and Moveable Equipment in Engine Shops for a grand total of £808,315 for the Locomotive Account.

I’ll give three short extracts concerning the construction costs and financial arrangements of railways in the US, Belgium and the German states which underline Belperpete’s comments on relative costs of construction and give flavour of Lardner’s style. He has this to say about the US railways:

RAILWAY ECONOMY.
[CHAP. XVI

Nothing can be more simple, expeditious, and cheap than the means of obtaining an act for the establishment of a railway company in America. A public meeting is held, at which the project is discussed and adopted. A deputation is appointed to apply to the legislature, which grants the act without expense, delay, or official difficulty. The principle of competition is not brought into play, as in France; nor is there any investigation as to the expediency of the project, with reference to future profit or loss, as in England. No other guarantee or security is requíred from the company than the payment by the shareholders of a certain amount constituting the first call. In some states, the nonpayment of a call is followed by the confiscation of the previous payments; in others, a fine is imposed on the shareholder; in others the share is sold, and if the produce be less than the price at which it was delivered, the surplus can be recovered from the shareholder by process of law. In all cases, the acts creating the companies fix a time within which the works must be completed under pain of forfeiture. The traffic in shares before the definitive constitution of the company is prohibited.

Although the state itself has rarely undertaken the execution of railways, it holds out in most cases inducements in different forms to the enterprise of companies. In some cases, the state takes a great number of shares, which is generally accompanied by a loan made to the company, consisting in state stock delivered at par, which the company negotiate at its own risk. This loan is often converted into a subvention.

In many cases the companies obtain the land gratuitously, or for a nominal price.

When the price becomes a matter of consideration, the land is valued by a jury, as in England.

Several states have made a condition that foreign capital shall be excluded under penalty of forfeiture or fine against the companies.

In Belgium the decision to build the railways was a matter for the newly created State linking the various parts of the country following its creation in 1830. Work started in 1834 and the first sections were opened by 1836. By 1840 190 miles had been built and the entire originally conceived system of 347 miles was completed in 1844 and paid for by the Belgium government.

By 1848 the amount spent on the construction of the Belgium railways, and the stock employed working them, was £6,406,476 of which the following are the details:

Construction of the road £4,800,270
Buildings and machinery for the inclined planes £59,544
Buildings and appendages of the stations £402,949
Dependencies of the stations £84,772
Management and office expenses £205,773
Rolling stock £853,168
Concerning the costs of construction…
The general character of the country was favorable to the construction of railways; but much more stress has been laid on this circumstance, by those who desire to explain the early advance made in this improvement by Belgium, than is due to it. It is true that those parts of the country between Brussels and the ocean are generally level, and that but little earth-work or works of art necessary to bestride valleys or penetrate hills were required; but, on the other hand, the country was intersected by numerous rivers and canals, which necessitated the construction of as many bridges and aqueducts.

The country, however, has a very different character between Brussels and the Prussian frontier. The ground there presents obstacles requiring works of art of an expensive and difficult character.

From Louvain to Ans, the line passes through an undulating country, and is carried by cuttings of an average depth of fifty feet, alternating with embankments of an average height of sixty-six feet, up a gradual inclination to a summit nearly five hundred feet above the station at Louvain. In this section of the line there is a tunnel which measures upward of one thousand yards, besides numerous aqueducts, bridges, and viaducts, by which the canals and common roads are conducted over and under the railway.

From Ans to Liege, the country falls along the side of the valley of the Meuse, by a steep declivity. Here, in a length of 2300 feet, there is a fall of 360 feet.

The descent is effected by two inclined planes,…etc.
Lardner gives another reason for the relatively low cost of construction:
The Belgian railways are distinguished from those of England and France by the circumstance of passing common roads, wherever it is possible to do so, by level crossings.

By this expedient considerable expense in the original construction is saved in bridges and viaducts; and, notwithstanding the great traffic on the Belgian lines, no serious accidents have been produced by it. It is to be considered, however, that, the speed of the trains being less than on the English railways, the liability to accident is proportionally diminished.
And so to Germany…
The German railways have been constructed in some cases by companies, and in others by the government. Those of the grand duchy of Baden, the kingdoms of Würtemburg, Bavaria, and Hanover, the empire of Austria, the duchy of Brunswick, and the principailties of Hesse, have been, with a few exceptions, constructed and are worked by the States. Even in the few cases where the construction of particular lines was confided to companies, the governments have generally redeemed them.

In Prussia, the State has abstained from any direct interference with the construction or working of the railways, but has extended encouragement to the private companies by whom the extensive system of lines which cover its territory has been executed. In cases where the traffic did not offer sufficient encouragement to stimulate private enterprise, the government has extended its aid, either in the shape of subvention, or by taking certain shares in the line, or in guaranteeing a minimum rate of interest on capital. The government, however, reserves a power of redemption at the end of thirty years, on the condition of paying to the railway proprietors a capital equal to twenty-five times the average amount of the dividends enjoyed by the shareholders for the preceding five years. The State would, in that case, assume the responsibilities and debts of the company, but it would at the same time take possession of their entire assets, as well as the reserve fund. The State engages meanwhile, not to permit, parallel and competing lines to be constructed. The government also retains a power of controlling the tariff.

Constructed with a view to a traffic comparatively limited, and resembling closely in their commercial conditions the roads of the United States, the German railways have been constructed, in general, on principles analogous to those which have been found to answer so well in America. The vast expenditure for earth-work and costly works of art, such as viaducts, bridges, and tunnels, by which valleys are bestridden and mountains pierced to gain a straight and level line in the English system, have not been attempted; and the railways have been carried more nearly along the natural level of the country, the cost of earth-work having been generally limited to that of short cuttings and low embankments. Curves of comparatively short radius have also been admitted, so that the railways might wind along those levels which would offer the most economical conditions.

And so to the costs of construction...

It appears from the preceding statement, that the capital absorbed by the railways which had been completed up to the date of the reports we have quoted, which are the most recent we have obtained of an authentic and exact character, was at the average rate of something less than £11,000 per mile; but it is probable that these lines had not yet absorbed their full amount of capital. It appears further, that the estimated expenses of the lines in progress were greater than those which had been executed, being at the average rate of upward of £13,000 per mile. We shall probably not depart widely from the truth, if we estimate the entire extent of railways in the German States, constructed and to be constructed, at the rate of £13,000 per mile, including in that amount the cost of stock as well as the cost of construction.

This rate of expense is scarcely one third of the cost per mile of the English railways.

My emphasis!

The small size and low power of the first locomotives in the UK, developed ten or twenty years earlier, made the gentle grades and wide curves of the British railways almost essential; don’t forget that Camden Bank out of Euston was cable worked in the early years as it was too steep for the early locomotives. In addition, engineering skills honed by the construction of canals through hilly country a generation earlier meant that the construction and operation of long tunnels and viaducts could be faced with equanimity. The other side of the expensive infrastructure coin was that British locomotives did not need to be as large and as powerful as those later developed in other countries.

A fascinating topic!
 

Rescars

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The small size and low power of the first locomotives in the UK, developed ten or twenty years earlier, made the gentle grades and wide curves of the British railways almost essential; don’t forget that Camden Bank out of Euston was cable worked in the early years as it was too steep for the early locomotives. In addition, engineering skills honed by the construction of canals through hilly country a generation earlier meant that the construction and operation of long tunnels and viaducts could be faced with equanimity. The other side of the expensive infrastructure coin was that British locomotives did not need to be as large and as powerful as those later developed in other countries.
To this specific point, worth noting that the Birmingham and Gloucester turned to America to source suitable locomotives to work the Lickey bank - and avoid cable assistance.
 

Pigeon

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...although they turned out not to be all that wonderful, and they did better with locomotives obtained in Britain.

(Although it should be noted that the notorious locomotive "Surprise!!! *BANG*" was British.)
 

Bodiam

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The uncertain advantage from branch line was at least suspected quite early on. In the mid 1860s a shareholder at the London, Chatham and Dover Railway meeting convened to approve the acquisition of the Sittingbourne & Sheerness Railway commented that while branch lines were often referred to as feeders, in his view they could easily become as suckers.
 
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worth noting that the Birmingham and Gloucester turned to America to source suitable locomotives to work the Lickey bank

Also worth noting that they got the stereotypical American hard sell from the saleman for Norris; and that the Norris performance was largely due to the boiler pressure being much higher vthan was considered safe at the time. The safety valves were incorrectly calibrated. Perhaps that turned out to be a good thing in the end, though, in that it encouraged engineers to design more powerful machines.

It's also worth noting that the famous memorials to a driver and fireman killed by a boiler explosion on Lickey Bank are calumnious. A rather good carving of a Norris 4-2-0 is on each gravestone, but the deaths were caused by a locomotive designed by a different American, William Church, and grimly humorously namned "Surprise".
 

Rescars

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It's also worth noting that the famous memorials to a driver and fireman killed by a boiler explosion on Lickey Bank are calumnious. A rather good carving of a Norris 4-2-0 is on each gravestone, but the deaths were caused by a locomotive designed by a different American, William Church, and grimly humorously namned "Surprise".
Not the sort of name to inspire confidence from the travelling public, though no-one can deny that it lived up to its name. I've read somewhere that it was rebuilt after th explosion and continued in traffic for quite a while.
 
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