Can be isn't the same as will be. Where exactly is all this money to fund this wonderful vision of the future going to come from? We can't rely on oil to fund us - to do so would be foolish.
There are far too many what ifs and uncertainties for me to vote yes. A large proprtion of the campaign is based upon 'this is what we think will happen', or just 'this is what we want'.
Your idealist vision of the future of Scotland is sweet, but I can't see those in the Scottish parliament being any better than those down south, judging from past experience.
So, thanks, but no thanks.
Better the devil you know, and all that.
And is the future within the UK any better? If the Tories win in 2015, they are promising £25bn worth of cuts. The UK is not the bastion of complete stability and economic perfection that it has been fêted to be by Better Together. The Tories aren't solving the problems of the UK and their economic recovery is nothing but a re-inflation of the London housing market.
The Scottish Parliament is by no means perfect but it is far less bad than Westminster. If the SNP gets its wish, it has little reason to exist and so we will return to the coalition and minority governments the Parliament was designed for. When the country writes its new constitution it can enshrine proper protections of democracy - remember, after a Yes vote it's not the politicians that are in charge here but the people and I cannot see a new constitution being agreed without some sort of referendum on approving it (thus putting its legitimacy beyond doubt).
'Better the devil you know' is a statement which defies explanation when 'the devil' is what got everyone in this mess at the moment. 'The devil' protected paedophiles and other sexual offenders within its ranks. 'The devil' scammed the people of the UK out of millions of pounds of expense claims and allowed MPs - including the dear Alistair Darling - to flip their second home allowance to earn money at the expense of all others in society. 'The devil' votes to keep itself entrenched in power - both Labour and Tory - ensuring that the majority of seats remain safe and no effort is ever needed to appeal to the vast majority of voters when you cannot vote for an alternative without spoiling the 'lesser-of-two-evil' vote. 'The devil' is more than happy in engaging with rich lobbyists and allowing a revolving-door between governance and the sort of multinational tax-avoiding enterprise that stands to gain so much from the atomisation of the state, the privatisation of success and the nationalisation of risk. 'The devil' is indefensible; it does not care for you, me or the people of Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland or England.
I would happily trade a few percentage points off of economic growth if I knew that my politicians were not self-serving hypocrites who have no allegiance to the people of the UK and instead will fawn over those with power and influence. Remember that if we go independent, never again will be involved in illegal wars that cost trillions of pounds - how much money would that save the independent Scottish state every year?
My personal favorite from the yes campaign is the advert that crows about Scotland being predicted as one of the top 20 richest countries in the world.
What it fails to mention is that the UK as a whole is currently 8th.
That and the people who I have repeately head saying we must go independant to save the NHS - that'd be the NHS Scotland that's already devolved, so Westminster has no control over it.
If you're not capable of understanding the difference between total GDP and GDP per capita then there's not much we can really do.
Decreases in public spending in England have a consequential effect through the Barnett formula on the block grant to Scotland. The Scottish Parliament may have official operational control over the NHS and other similar public services but its ability to fund them is controlled by Westminster in the current and all proposed devolution settlements.
None of the proposed situations give the Scottish Parliament the sort of full control over taxation that is necessary to ensure comprehensive public services survive. For example, the lack of tuition fees has a resulting economic effect upon graduates in Scotland because they can now spend that money on other things that are more useful and create more jobs, thus paying more tax money. That extra tax money does not find its way back to Scotland at all, so we never see the taxation benefit of our policies. It is the same for policies such as free childcare - the Scottish Parliament has the legislative authority to enact it but it would be entirely responsible for the cost without receiving any of the extra taxation that would come from the extra women in the workplace. Under the Barnett consequential squeeze, the Scottish Parliament would find itself with even less ability to fund current programmes despite those programmes causing a net positive effect to the finances of the state. That is complete madness, and that madness is something the No campaign are not at all trying or wanting to address.
--- old post above --- --- new post below ---
There are two things that interest me about the referendum:
1. the disregard in the debate for the possible outcome that the referendum produces a 'yes' majority, but in a subsequent election, then one or more of the traditional UK parties achieves a majority (and the SNP is left in a minority).
It is true that the White Paper is basically a list of things that the SNP would do if it were in charge of an independent Scotland. There would be a Scottish Parliament election soon after, if not before, independence day and the SNP may well win if the effect upon Labour and the Lib Dems is just so traumatic. It may be the case that the SNP fractures under the pressures of negotiation with Westminster, particularly on issues such as the future of Faslane, but even then there's nothing any unionist party can do to stop independence happening.
2. the eligibilty to vote in the referendum is being treated as if it is an election (so non Scottish residents in Scotland may vote, while Scots living elsewhere may not); but the referendum is determining a matter of nationality, and may be open to all Scots people whose nationality is being determined. At a quick reading of the Scottish Independence Referendum (Franchise) Act 2013 and the Scotland Act 1998, I was unable to find an exclusion for Scots nationals living outside their homeland to vote in the referendum. (and it seems perverse to allow short term residents of other nationalities to influence such a radical question of long-term governance and nationality).
any thoughts?
There is no such thing as a Scottish person in law, only a UK citizen residing in Scotland. The franchise for the referendum is the only one that would give a legally watertight result that would be respected not only domestically but abroad as well, especially when it is fully in line with international precedent. A Scottish person living in England has no personal stake in the outcome of the referendum, because it is not about identity but instead the politics of the country.